第131回 WORKSHOP報告(7月23日) / 参加者74名

1.Tさんより前半マテリアルの紹介
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2.E先生のテーブルの様子
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3.会場の様子
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《 今回のworkshop 》
○workshop参加人数:74名(うち新人の方:13名)
○【前半】:Stereotype
○【後半】:Prime Minister Abe: Saviour of Japan or Cult Fanatic?
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みなさまこんばんは、E’s club幹事のKです。
7月23日(土)開催の第131回workshopの詳細をお送りいたします。

今回もE先生をお迎えしてのworkshopとなります。
E先生には後半のマテリアルをご作成いただきました。
リンク先には動画もありますので、事前にご視聴お願いいたします。(長さは1分50秒です。)

前半のマテリアルはTさんにご作成いただきました。
今回は”Stereotype”というタイトルでディスカッションを行います。

[今週のマテリアル]
<FIRST HALF>
“Stereotype”

Currently, most people in the world take their action based on their brief or thoughts. However, In the society, we are surrounded by some kinds of stereotype.
Stereotypes have so strong effect that we tend to have quite wrong or distorted ideas or thoughts about nationality, class, partisan and gender.

I think that such ideas or thoughts have been accumulated by external factors like the media, family, friends, teachers, or so.

In order to prevent this kinds of information manipulation, we should be required to have adequate literacy and correct value judgement.

The definition of stereotype is “a widely held but fixed and oversimplified image or idea of a particular type of person or thing” from Oxford dictionary.

I think that Japanese people tend to have very strong stereotype for any person or anything in the world.

I will give you a chance to notice your stereotype.

<Questions>
1. Please talk about your stereotype.

2. Verify it by listening to other members.

3. How and when do you verify it?
Ex) Should women engage in the housework?

<Reference>
http://krytyka.org/gender-stereotypes-in-mass-media-case-study-analysis-of-the-gender-stereotyping-phenomenon-in-tv-commercials/
Gender stereotypes in mass media. Case study: Analysis of the gender stereotyping phenomenon in TV commercials
9 stycznia 2011 ・ by Malgorzata Wolska ・ in Badania

Mass media play a significant role in a modern world, by broadcasting information in fast pace and giving entertainment to vast audiences. They consist of press, television, radio, books and the Internet. The latter is now the most developing medium, however, TV also has a wide field of influence. By creating a certain type of message, media can manipulate people’s attitude and opinions. I would like to focus on this problem by investigating commercials structure; I will also attempt to specify gender stereotypes, which are used in advertising as a persuasion technique.

Stereotypes

People organize their knowledge about the world around them by sorting and simplifying received information. Therefore, they create cognitive schemes, which are certain representations of the reality displaying its most typical and fundamental elements and properties. These schemes are responsible for defining the essence of our worldview and have a significant influence on social cognition – understanding, anticipation, situation and emotion control.

One of the most important types of schemes used for orientation in the social environment are the stereotypes, representing the opinions among members of a certain group about the other groups. They are internalized during the socialization. They can be a result of our own observations or be adopted from the influence of the significant others, such as family, friends, teachers and media. Because of many simplifications and generalizations that they produce, stereotypes present incomplete, subjective and sometimes false image of the reality. They are often based on tradition and are resistant to change. Although they can both have positive and negative undertone, the latter is much more common. Even if certain arguments allow to refute a stereotype, people would rather treat it as an exception that proves the rule, than change the way of thinking. Besides, social categorizations can lead to the effect of homogeneity of the foreign group. Elliot Aronson, another American psychologist, said that stereotypes are used to attribute the identical features to each member of a certain group without taking the existing differences among the members into consideration (1972).

Gender roles

Difficulties in differentiating gender roles in the modern societies can be a perfect example of the negative social effects of using stereotypes. A division of gender roles is deeply rooted in the social archetypes. In the past, the patriarchy was a dominant family model. Through the ages men have been considered to be financial providers, career-focused, assertive and independent, whereas women have been shown as low-position workers, loving wives and mothers, responsible for raising children and doing housework. Nowadays a family model is based rather on a partnership than on patriarchy and women have more rights and possibilities on the labor market. Feminist environment had a significant impact on the change in this situation. Women’s liberation movement fought for the rights of women and for redefining traditional gender roles. They claimed, that there should be no distinction between typical masculine and feminine occupations, and that traits of character should not be ascribed once and for all to one gender. Although females and males are still not equal, the differences between gender are not so vast anymore. Nevertheless, many social institutions, such as mass media, still use gender stereotypes, basing on the assumption, that they are well known to everyone and help the receivers to understand the content of the message.

Gender in mass media

Now I would like to focus on the attendance of gender stereotypes in the mass media, which nowadays has a great power and reaches large audiences. In order to create a medium which is universal, understandable and acceptable for numerous and diverse recipients, senders very often use stereotypes, which fill the social life and evoke certain associations. However, mass media not only gives people information and entertainment, but, according to a Canadian communication theorist Marshall McLuhan, it also affects people’s lives by shaping their opinions, attitudes and beliefs (1964). It controls social life by invisibly transferring the dominant hegemonic ideology. Antonio Gramsci, an Italian Marxian thinker, created a concept of cultural hegemony, which is an intellectual and moral leadership, distinguished from armed force. It can be formed by cultural and political consensus through institutions such as the church, schools or media. The last one creates a state of domination by focusing on the elites and the dominant ideologies, subsequently neglecting the subordinate groups (Durham, Kellner 2006: XV). In the case of gender roles, the societies have established the hegemony of males by institutionalizing of male dominance over women. As I mentioned above, men have been perceived as the head of the household and women were mainly housewives. Nowadays the differences between male and female roles are smaller, however mass media still perpetuates traditional gender stereotypes. Moreover, due to their great influence on people’s attitudes, they can depict certain social groups in negative and unrealistic manner. They can be a very useful tool for those remaining power. By manipulating the message, media can create a certain image of reality, which is consistent with the policy of the dominant group. As a result, the reflection of a real world is incomplete and distorted. Although people are aware of the unequal representation of certain social groups in mass media, it is hard to remain objective and insensitive to its influence.

Stereotyping commercials

Commercials are the vast source of gender stereotyping, because they are adapted to the specific, either male or female target, and are “the reflection of the recipient”. The aim of the modern commercial is not only the satisfaction of needs but also their creation.

Women are more often presented in commercials, because they are seen as responsible for making everyday purchases. Men generally advertise cars, cigarettes, business products or investments, whereas women are shown rather in the commercials with cosmetics
and domestic products. They are also more likely portrayed in the home environment, unlike men, who are shown outdoors. Another important distinction is the face-ism phenomenon in the commercials, which consists in showing the entire figure in case of women and close-up shots in case of men (Matthews, J. L. 2007). The first method lowers the receiver’s estimation of the intelligence of the person on the photo. The second one more often evokes positive associations.

According to Steve Craig’s research (1997), women can be presented in commercials in several variants. The first one is the most popular: a housewife obsessed by a steam on a new tablecloth or a woman whose main problem is lack of ideas for dinner. The other examples are less traditional, however, they are still very stereotypical. One can distinguish commercials with female vamps – sexy seductresses, the objects of desire of every man. They mostly advertise cosmetics, but they also appear in the commercials directed to men. When a beautiful woman accepts and praises the male cosmetics, it is treated by men as a guarantee of its quality. Another type is a woman, whose major concern is to preserve her beauty. Hence, she presents a healthy life style, is physically active, uses a wide range of body and facial cosmetics. However, one can observe mainly the presence of very thin actresses in this type of commercials, which can lead to the assumption, that only thin women can be beautiful and healthy. As a result, many female receivers fall into the obsession with their weight, which sometimes can have negative effects.

Male stereotypes are also various. The first model is “a real man”, athletic, successful, professional, seducer with a beautiful woman by his side. He also has a branded car and a smartphone. The other type is less popular and presents men devoted to their families who can save enough time for them. Men are very rarely presented during housecleaning. And if they are, it is rather a satirical image – e.g. in the Mr. Muscle commercial – or they appear as the experts and they advise women, for instance, how to do laundry properly. Advertising specialists also use the stereotype of male friendship, which can be called “buddy narratives”; men are presented as acting together, for instance by going to a football match or to the pub. They share the same interests and opinions, and they enjoy spending time together by doing something extremely interesting and adventurous (Pawlica, Widawska 2001).

More and more commercials are directed to children. They indicate “the proper place” in the society for girls and boys. Girls are shown as babysitters nursing dolls or cleaning house with a pink cleaning kit, whereas boys do sports or play computer games (ibid).

If men and women appear in the commercials together, they are mainly presented as a couple or marriage. A sexual subtext is also often used in this case, even if the advertised product has nothing in common with the erotic sphere. In the situation of competition, women appear to be weaker than men (Lukas 2002).

Breaking gender stereotypes

In spite of significant presence of the stereotypes in commercials, advertising specialists more and more often use non-schematic ideas of the promotion of products and services. Women are presented as liberated, strong and independent of social expectations and men are shown while washing or cleaning.

The most popular, non-stereotypical commercial is Dove campaign aimed at women at every age and with different kinds of figures. It emphasizes natural beauty instead of perfect shapes. The female viewers prefer to watch women, with whom they can identify, thus the campaign proved to be a great success.

Male roles in advertising are redefined as well – British commercial of a cleanser called Ajax presents handsome men cleaning kitchen with this product; in the other example a man is striping for his girlfriend and then throws his clothes in the washing machine called Ariston. This situation is opposite to the traditional scheme, in which a girl is a seductress and a man is a viewer.

Conclusion

Commercials are the powerful tool used for creating and shaping people’s opinions. Their structure is simplified in order to be understood by mass receivers. Advertisement text contains dominant and well known characteristics of the reality. Therefore stereotypes are very often used in the commercials as one of the most popular techniques of persuasion. However, they describe specific groups in relation to the whole regardless of individual differences.

The main aim of mass media is to be universal and suitable for everyone, in order to gather the largest possible audience. Thus television, responsible for providing the central social discourse, is supposed to be “a mirror of the society”. However, because of stereotypical way of explaining the reality, some groups are underrepresented or ignored, and therefore the society image
is incomplete. For instance, the way in which male and female roles are presented in commercials reflects the traditional notions of gender, where women are dominated by men (Pawlica, Widawska 2001). Although people are aware of the dangers posed by generalization, they tend to be conformists and would rather submit to the dominant patterns than oppose them and risk a negative reception of such behavior from the others.

There is a hope to change the current situation, though. According to Debra Pryor and Nancy Nelson Knupfer (1997), “If we become aware of the stereotypes and teach critical viewing skills to our children, perhaps we will become informed viewers instead of manipulated consumers”. Moreover, the commercials evolve along with the development of a society and are the answer to many social and political changes, such as emancipation of women, growing role of individualism, globalization and revaluation of patterns and social roles. More and more advertising specialists produce non-stereotypical commercials. However, the attempts to break down the stereotypes threaten to reject the message; they affect security and well-established knowledge about the world. Hence, a society has to achieve an adequate level of social readiness, so that messages breaking gender stereotypes could be effective.

<LATTER HALF>
<Agenda>
Prime Minister Abe: Saviour of Japan or Cult Fanatic?

<Questions>
1. Have you heard of Nippon Kaigi? According to the article, Nippon Kaigi would like Japan to return to a ‘golden age’. What do you think about the goals of Nippon Kaigi?

2. Were you aware of Prime Minister Abe’s connection with Nippon Kaigi? Is this an issue voters should be worried about?

3. Is the LDPs sweeping victory an endorsement of Abenomics and/or constitutional reform?

4. What’s going on with the DPJ? Why do you think this party continues to do so poorly in elections?

5. The voting age has been lowered for this election. Is this a good or bad idea?

6. After the recent elections, the government now holds a super majority in both the upper and lower house.
This may make it possible for constitutional reform, however there are many different opinions on what reforms should be made. What reforms would you like to see? Why?

7. Any changes to the constitution must be passed in a referendum before becoming law. Do you think there are any amendments that could be passed in a referendum?

8. Do you think China’s claim of the South China Sea will increase the chances of article 9 being changed?

9. How do you think referendum changes will affect relations with other countries? US, China, the Koreas, …

<Reference>

Japan’s election could lead to military change

http://www.thedailybeast.com/articles/2016/07/10/does-this-religious-cult-run-japan.html
Caveat Emperor07.10.16 1:15 PM ET
The Religious Cult Secretly Running Japan

Nippon Kaigi, a small cult with some of the country’s most powerful people, aims to return Japan to pre-WWII imperial ‘glory.’ Sunday’s elections may further its goal.

TOKYO – In the Land of the Rising Sun, a conservative Shinto cult dating back to the 1970s, which includes Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe and many of his cabinet among its adherents, finally has been dragged out of the shadows.

The group is called Nippon Kaigi (Japan Conference) and is ostensibly run by Tadae Takubo, a former journalist turned political scientist. It only has 38,000 members, but like many an exclusive club, or sect, it wields tremendous political influence.

Broadly speaking, Shinto is a polytheistic and animist religion native to Japan. The state-sponsored Shintoism promulgated here before and during World War II also elevated the Emperor to the status of a God and insisted that the Japanese were a divine race – the Yamato; with all other races considered inferior.

Nippon Kaigi originally began in the early 1970s from a liberal Shinto group known as Seicho No Ie. In 1974, a splinter section of the group joined forces with Nippon o Mamoru Kai, a State-Shinto revival organization that espoused patriotism and a return to imperial worship. The group in its current state was officially formed in May of 1997, when Nippon o Mamoru Kai and a group of right-leaning intellectuals joined forces.

The current cult’s goals: gut Japan’s post-war pacifist constitution, end sexual equality, get rid of foreigners, void pesky “human rights” laws, and return Japan to its Imperial Glory.

With Japan’s parliamentary elections to be held on July 10, the cult may now have its chance to dominate policity completely. If the ruling coalition wins enough seats, the door will open to amending Japan’s modern democratic constitution, something that has remained sacred and inviolate since 1947.

Indeed, for Japan, these elections may be a constitutional Brexit – deciding whether this country moves forward as a democracy or literally takes a step back to the Meiji era that ended more than a century ago. Then, the Emperor was supreme and freedom of expression was subservient to the interests of the state.

The influence of Nippon Kaigi may be hard for an American to understand on a gut level. But try this: Imagine if “future World President” Donald Trump belonged to a right-wing evangelical group, let’s call it “USA Conference,” that advocated a return to monarchy, the expulsion of immigrants, the revoking of equal rights for women, restrictions on freedom of speech – and most of his pre-selected political appointees were from the same group.

Sounds incredible… In any case, this would worry people.

That is the American equivalent of what has already taken place in Japan with Prime Minister Shinzo Abe and his cabinet.

Abe, a third-generation politician, is the grandson of Nobusuke Kishi, who was Japan’s minister of munitions during WWII and arrested as a war criminal in 1945 before becoming prime minister in the 1950s.

Abe is a staunch nationalist and historical revisionist, who also served as prime minister, from 2006 until 2007, before resigning abruptly mid-term. His ties to the Nippon Kaigi organization go back to the ’90s.

In line with fellow members of his imperial and imperialist cult, Abe has said the revision of the constitution is his lifetime goal. In an interview in Nikkei Asian Review, published in February 2014, Abe stated, “My party, the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP), has been advocating amending our constitution since its founding almost 60 years ago.”

So, now, Abe and his party, at least the extremist factions, are at last coming very close to that goal.

Japan’s Parliament, also known as the Diet, is composed of an upper and lower house. Article 96 of the constitution stipulates that amendments can be made to the constitution if approved by super majority of two-thirds of both houses of the Diet, and by simple majority in a referendum.

At present, the LDP and its coalition partners only have a two-thirds majority in the Lower House and a simple majority in the Upper House. They hope to have the needed two-thirds majority in the Upper House after Sunday’s elections.

The Asahi Shimbun and the independent press in Japan have called this year’s campaign “The Hidden Agenda Elections.” Local media have reported that the LDP and partner political parties have made sure their candidates avoid mentioning constitutional revision in their stump speeches.

The ruling coalition is toeing the party line that: “It’s all about Abenomics.”

And those are?

Abenomics is the economic policy Prime Minister Abe promised to put into action in 2012. It is based upon “three arrows” of fiscal stimulus, monetary easing and structural reforms. It was supposed to revitalize Japan’s long stagnant economy. The third “arrow” has yet to be fired and on June 20, this year, the International Money Fund essentially declared it a failure and suggested Japan raise wages.

The ruling party wants to focus all talk on the economy and the hope that Abenomics eventually will work, while the opposition parties, united by The Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ), are cooperating to field single candidates in areas of Japan where they have a good chance of winning – all under the banner of blocking constitutional revision.

DPJ leader Katsuya Okada has warned, “Under the Abe administration basic human rights such as freedom of speech and the public’s right to free access to information (about their government) have been threatened… the pacifism of the constitution will be destroyed.”

The LDP’s internal crackdown on mention of constitutional revision is savvy, notes Koichi Nakano, a professor and expert on Japanese politics at Sophia University. “Abenomics was simply a way of repackaging Abe’s nationalism as something sexy so he could return to power,” says Nakano. He notes public opinion is opposed by a large margin to the revision of the constitution.

“Abe is using the same tactics he did in two previous elections since 2012 to emphasize that the vote is about the economy and then proceed to do what he intended to do once the election is over. He did this with the passing of the State Secrets Laws and then with the strongly opposed Security Laws last year after the December 2014 snap elections. Perhaps he is getting advice from his deputy prime minister, who once remarked that the LDP should learn from the Nazis about how to quietly change the constitution.”

The LDP’s proposed constitution, which has been strongly influenced by Nippon Kaigi alumni, according to reports by the Asahi Shimbun and other media, would scrap Article 9, which forbids Japan from engaging in warfare as a means of settling international disputes. It would also severely curtail freedom of speech, taking away the right to speak out on issues “if it is against the public interest.”

Presumably, the government would decide what is “the public interest.”

It eliminates the words “basic human rights” from key sections, as constitutional experts have noted.

The LDP argues that revision is necessary for a modern Japan to deal with the threat of China and break free “of the post-war regime.”

The ideology behind Prime Minister Abe and his cabinet had received only modest scrutiny from Japan’s mainstream media until this May. All that changed with the publication of the surprise best seller, Nippon Kaigi No Kenkyu (Research into Japan Conference) by former white-collar worker turned journalist, Tamotsu Sugano, on April 30.

Japan’s leading constitutional expert, Setsu Kobayashi, who is also a former member of Nippon Kaigi, says of the group, “They have trouble accepting the reality that Japan lost the war” and that they wish to restore the Meiji era constitution.

Some members are descendants of the people who started the war, he notes.

Kobayashi is so vexed with his former brethren, that in May he created a new political party to promote and protect constitutional rights called, somewhat amusingly, Kokumin Ikari-no Koe aka The Angry Voice of the People. For Nippon Kaigi, he is a traitor and a nightmare. For Prime Minister Abe, he is an angry loud-mouthed headache.

And Abe is having other headaches before the election. Seicho No Ie, the spiritual forebear of Nippon Kaigi, has turned its back on the LDP and the ruling coalition as well – its first overt political action in decades.

The organization told the Weekly Post last month, “The Abe government thinks lightly of the constitution and we are opposed to their attempts to change Article 9 (the peace clause). In addition, we feel distrust in their failure to uphold policy determined by law.”

Despite Nippon Kaigi’s small numbers overall, half of the Abe Cabinet belongs to the Nippon Kaigi National Lawmakers Friendship Association, the group’s political offshoot. Prime Minister Abe himself is the special advisor.

Former Defense Minister Yuriko Koike, who is running for Governor of Tokyo, is another prominent member.

Sankei Shimbun and others have reported that Nippon Kaigi even tried to pressure the publisher, Fusosha, into dropping the book on April 28. The protest letter sent to the publisher was surprisingly under the name of the group’s secretary general, Yuzo Kabushima, not the name of the Chairman Tadae Takubo.

Kabushima is a staunch Emperor worshipper and was a key member of Seicho No Ie’s student movement. Sugano argues in his book that Kabushima is the person really running the organization.

Despite the threatening tone of the letter, the publisher didn’t budge. Originally, only 8,000 copies of the book were printed. It’s now on it’s fourth printing with over 126,000 copies sold. Five other books have now been printed on the group; magazines are running front-page stories about them.

Suddenly, Nippon Kaigi is very visible.

Sugano is surprised and relieved to see Nippon Kaigi and its influence on national policy finally getting attention. He himself is a political conservative who graduated from the University of Texas with a degree in political science before returning to Japan over a decade ago.

While he was living in Texas, where he picked up a bit of an accent, he noticed how the Christian evangelical movement exerted political influence and sees some parallels in their methods and those of Nippon Kaigi.

Sugano was still a white collar worker aka “salary-man” when he first became aware of the existence of Nippon Kaigi. Back in 2008, Sugano recalls the shift he felt in the atmosphere on the streets. “Crazy people were starting to speak out,” he says. Protests lead by groups, such as the anti-foreigner hate speech group Zaitokukai were more noticeable. He saw an ugly escalation of their activities with each passing day.

He found these hate speech movements troubling and started to infiltrate their protests, documenting the events in photos and recordings. In order to understand the motives of members and supporters, he started to dig into the conservative publications often referenced in their online comments.

The contributors that wrote for these publications puzzled him. Many were established in their field, journalists and academics, all contributing on topics unrelated to their expertise. This peculiar pattern helped him connect the dots: they all seemed to be members of one group. That realization led him down the rabbit hole, where he found the revisionist wonderland that is Nippon Kaigi.

Nippon Kaigi, he found, used neto-uyo (cyber right wingers who troll anyone on the internet they feel writes negatively of Japan), intellectuals, politicians, and closet sympathizers in mainstream media to exert considerable influence on policy and public opinion.

That included getting the Japanese government to reinstitute the Imperial Calendar, which was banished by the U.S. occupation government. It’s 2016 in the West, but under the Imperial Calendar, based on the reign of the Emperor, it is year 28 of the Heisei era. The system is so confusing that many reporters in Japan carry a handy chart to translate the Imperial Calendar dates into Western time.

Sugano also credits Nippon Kaigi with politically resurrecting Prime Minister Abe, whose political career was considered dead after his abrupt resignation as prime minister in 2007.

He also believes their goal may be to alter radically the parts of the constitution which define marriage and the rights of wives, thus, “rolling back sexual equality and making Japan a country pleasant for cranky old men, like themselves.”

The Daily Beast contacted Nippon Kaigi via email, fax, and by telephone and asked for clarification of what has been written about the group and their objections to Sugano’s book but did not receive a reply

While several recently published books and articles paint a picture of a masterful Machiavellian organization that has skirted the law to avoid having to register as a political group, Sugano believes they are primarily reactionary with no clear idea what they want to do once their goals are achieved.

“They have worked steadily and stealthily with local politicians and political lobbies to oppose things like gender equality, recognition of war crimes and the comfort women [sex slaves during WWII], women using their maiden names after marriage etc. It’s anti-this and anti-that but has no vision of the future.”

Other researchers have taken notice of the group’s anti-gender equality stance, but point out that Prime Minister Abe appears to be sincere about promoting women in the workplace and that the group also has female lawmakers in its ranks.

Sugano isn’t surprised. “Prime Minister Abe talks a lot about womenomics (the empowerment of women in the business world) but it’s all talk. It’s like a Texas racist saying, ‘I have a black friend so I’m not racist.’ The fact that there are female politicians supported by the group is the same logic. There are always some minorities in a minority that consider discrimination to be acceptable. Or these women find the support of the group advantageous to themselves – if not for women in general.”

Professor Jeff Kingston, a historian of modern Japan, has pointed out that while Abe says all the right things, he has quietly reduced his original professed goal of promoting women in management from 30 percent to 15 percent, and in reality his meager actions are “a nod to patriarchal realities that exposes Abe’s version of womenomics as a sham”.

Sugano insists the “patriarchal realities” of Japan are one reason behind Japan’s media self-censorship under the Abe administration and why they long avoided touching upon Nippon Kaigi.

He argues the mainstream Japanese media are run by misogynistic old men whose world views align with Nippon Kaigi’s sexist ideals, and since they agree with their principles, they have seen no need to report on the organization.

“It is not self censorship. It’s more like silent collusion,” he said.

Nippon Kaigi’s dismissive attitude towards women and children also explains its evident opposition to The United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child (UNCRC).

Hideaki Kase, a prominent member of Nippon Kaigi and prolific revisionist writer, is also listed as Chairman of Japan’s Corporal Punishment Association – which advocates judicious beating of children as a means of educating them and making them strong.

If you ask Sugano why these elections are important, he will tell you why in his Kansai-accented Texas drawl:

“The LDP, Abe, and Nippon Kaigi have essentially the same agenda. The frightening thing about this election is that they have never been closer to achieving their dreams – amending the constitution to return Japan to a militaristic feudal society where women, children, youngsters and foreigners, including the Japanese-Koreans, have no basic human rights. They will only have one right: the right to shut up.”

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